“I’m a Progressive Democrat. Here’s Why I Felt Impelled to Review RFK, Jr.’s ‘The Real Anthony Fauci.’ Check out this extensive review of a book that has been completely censored by mainstream media.”
As a progressive Democrat, I feel impelled to review Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.’s book — “The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health” — for all those who envision and are prepared to work for an alternative to the robber-baron capitalism that still reigns supreme in our country and most of the world.
During my 53 years of practice as a family doctor, I came to know and care for large numbers of vaccine-injured children, an experience that obliged me to re-examine the basic sciences that I’d been taught, and to write and speak out against vaccinating people without their consent since the early 1980s.
After two years of the global pandemic, with no end in sight, despite vaccines and boosters being foisted on everyone willing to take them, or afraid not to, I still find it hard to believe that the vast majority of my friends and allies on the left, though well aware of the criminal wrongdoing of the drug industry, nevertheless buy into its insistence that vaccines are our only safe and effective response to the virus.
It’s bad enough that our natural fear of the disease leads us to forget or ignore all of that, and thus leaves it to the far-right wing of the GOP to lead and win over the tens of millions of voters who are parents and friends of vaccine-injured children or still refuse to be vaccinated for whatever reason.
What’s even worse is that these defections could well cost us the 2022 and 2024 elections and usher in literally decades of Trumpist rule.
With literally hundreds of endnotes following each chapter, it is based on exhaustive study, meticulous scholarship and extensive first-hand knowledge of the main participants, including Dr. Fauci himself.
It names names, gives particulars and provides a tale of corruption at the heart of the drug industry, the government agencies that are supposed to be regulating it, and the super-wealthy investors who own controlling shares in them both, an interlocking directorate that goes far beyond what I like most of us had any idea of.
I should add that preparing this review would have been a lot easier if he’d added an index and a list of acronyms to help keep track of it all.
All of it, the obscene wealth, the out-of-control profiteering, the bureaucratic dictatorship and the dystopian schemes that they serve, falls neatly within the purview of Naomi Klein’s 2007 book, “The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism,” as she was quick to point out at the very beginning of the pandemic: “Disaster capitalism describes [how] private industries profit from large-scale crises.”
“The Shock Doctrine” is the political strategy of using large-scale crises to push through policies that systematically deepen inequality, enrich elites and undercut everyone else. In moments of crisis, people tend to focus on the daily emergencies of surviving that crisis, whatever it is, and to put too much trust in those in power.
The shock [of the pandemic] is the virus [being] managed in a way that maximizes confusion and minimizes protection. I don’t think it’s a conspiracy, just the way the government ]has] utterly mismanaged the crisis.
It’s the worst-case scenario, combined with the fact that the U.S. doesn’t have a national health care program, and its protections for workers are abysmal.
Written almost two years later, RFK Jr.’s book reveals a system of corporate and governmental misconduct that is far more extensive and elaborate than Trump’s dithering and denialist response, or than Klein herself envisioned and would likely accept.
It presents a mountain of evidence that our pandemic response, if not the virus unleashing it, was long and carefully planned, rehearsed and orchestrated by a consortium of drug company executives, government bureaucrats and collaborating physicians and scientists, and is now in the process of being carried out down to the last detail, involving an even larger cast of intelligence and military operatives, and secret big-money donors with ulterior motives and globalist agendas.
Whether or not it was a conspiracy in the strict, legal sense, the book makes a convincing case that Tony Fauci, Bill Gates and many others are guilty of serious if not criminal wrongdoing, with Fauci at the epicenter of a massive technoscientific empire and colossal profiteering scheme, and Gates, his secret funder and not-so-silent partner in vaccinating everybody against everything, not to mention bankrolling other equally sinister projects.
At the same time, it looks beyond their personal malfeasance to the big picture, the corrupt institutions that they built, the dictatorial methods that they devised and made use of, and the futuristic dystopias that they envision, all of which may well outlive their virtuoso perpetrators if and when they’re discredited and taken down.
As cataloged here, Big Pharma‘s ascendancy over the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and National Institutes of Health (NIH) is cut from the same cloth as the interlocking directorates that have long blessed Big Oil, Big Ag, Big Tobacco, the military-industrial complex and other too-big-to-fail industries such as auto, aerospace, energy and tech, with unlimited access to and ultimately effective control over the government agencies that were intended to regulate and restrain them.
What is unique and unprecedented is its obligatory reliance upon scientific expertise of such dubious authority that other scientists are not allowed to question it.
As a lifelong New-Deal Democrat, whose father and uncle were both assassinated for serving the public interest in much the same spirit as he now aspires to, the author knows as well as anyone that the vast majority of those he seeks to persuade are apt to cherish the avuncular-sounding Fauci as the voice of reason and science, and that persuading his oldest political allies or even his own family to investigate Fauci’s dark side may be an impossible dream, a quixotic task that is doomed to fail.
Yet he seems both determined and well-qualified to make the attempt. A successful public-interest lawyer with more than 40 years of experience, he has won substantial awards from major polluters of the chemical industry, first as senior litigator for the Natural Resources Defense Council, and more recently as founder of Children’s Health Defense.
He writes and speaks clearly — and, above all, he does his homework, to the point of offering a six-figure reward to anyone who can disprove any of the numerous factual claims assembled in his book.
Fauci and the pandemic
His tale begins in the present, with Fauci in command of the government’s pandemic response, and doctors, scientists, the media and just about everyone but GOP die-hards and the parents and friends of vaccine-injured children on board with his official mythology that universal vaccination is the only way to end the emergency, and that all who dissent from that mantra must be demonized and silenced for keeping the disease alive and indeed actually spreading it.
The astounding success of that narrative is proven by the fact that the book was ranked #1 on Amazon as soon as it was released and remained in the top spot most of the next two months. It also appeared on The New York Times best-seller list 11 times in its first 12 weeks in print, even though many of the stores that report to the New York Times refused to carry it.
It also has yet to be reviewed or even mentioned in The New York Times, Washington Post, Boston Globe, New York Review of Books, NPR or any other mainstream media that I’m aware of, other than a recent hit piece by the Associated Press, while Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and other social media have made concerted efforts to remove or discredit his posts as “vaccine misinformation.”
The lengthy first chapter shows convincingly that that apparent consensus and the strategy based on it were built upon a tissue of mutually-reinforcing deceptions, and have perpetrated a national disaster of colossal proportions, far beyond anything that the disease could have achieved on its own if managed in the usual way, by achieving natural herd immunity as quickly as possible, as urged by prominent experts at the time, i.e., by:
- Keeping the children in school, allowing the virus to spread rapidly among this least vulnerable sector of the population.
- Isolating the people at highest risk, like the elderly, infirm and chronically ill and those living at close quarters in nursing homes and extended-care facilities.
Typical of many, the following excerpts are taken from an interview with Dr. Knut Wittkowski, the head of Biostatistics, Epidemiology and Research Design at the Rockefeller Institute for 20 years:
“As with every respiratory disease, we should protect the elderly and fragile, because they get pneumonia and [often] die. On the other hand, children do very well, so they should keep going to school and infecting each other. That contributes to herd immunity so that after [a short time], the elderly [can rejoin] their families because the virus will have been extinguished.
“About 80% of the population needs to have had contact with the virus, and the majority won’t even recognize that they were infected, or had very mild symptoms, especially [the] children. So it’s very important to keep the schools open, to spread the virus [and] get herd immunity as fast as possible. The elderly should be separated and the nursing homes closed [to visitors, until then].
“[Instead] what [we] are trying to do is flatten the curve, [which will also] prolong [and] widen it. I don’t see a good reason for a respiratory disease to stay in the population [any] longer than necessary. We had two other coronaviruses before. [This one is] not the first, and won’t be the last. And for all respiratory diseases, we have the same type of epidemic. If you leave it alone, it comes for [a few] weeks, peaks, goes for [a few more] weeks, and [then] it’s gone.”
Ignoring similar pleas from other distinguished virologists and epidemiologists, such as Prof. John Ioannidis of Stanford and Prof. David Katz of Yale, Fauci did precisely the opposite, “flattening the curve,” closing the schools and locking down the whole society, including all businesses and institutions, thus paralyzing the economy, costing tens of millions of jobs, threatening the indigent with starvation and, above all, prolonging the outbreak for two years, thus guaranteeing the emergence of variant or mutant strains, as well as fabricating a new science to discredit all dissenting views and invoking the emergency thus created to justify preventing them from appearing in scientific journals and the media.
Most shocking of all has been his determined opposition to early treatment for those already sick, or even simple preventive measures for those exposed, at high risk, or testing positive but not yet sick, even though quite a few doctors were independently reporting encouraging results with vitamins, minerals and medicinal herbs as prophylaxis and excellent success at every stage and level of actual illness with Chinese herbs, nutritional supplements, homeopathic remedies and common, inexpensive, generic drugs whose patents had expired.
To give just one example I’m personally familiar with, Dr. David Brownstein reported in his August 2021 newsletter a series of 520 confirmed, symptomatic cases treated exclusively with high doses of oral or intravenous vitamins A, C, D and iodine, with just nine hospitalizations and no deaths — yet Fauci, the CDC and the leading scientific journals uniformly refused to publicize or recommend these efforts.
In the case of hydroxychloroquine, ivermectin and other inexpensive, non-toxic and off-patent pharmaceuticals, he and his allies in the FDA went so far as to warn pharmacies against filling any prescriptions for them.
In short, while frightening the entire population with the imminent threat of a deadly disease, both he and the agencies he controlled offered no medical help for it whatsoever, other than making everyone wait practically a year for the vaccines, recommending that they stay home until becoming critically ill or short of breath, and only then showing up for emergency treatment in the hospital with remdesivir, an expensive antiviral of proven toxicity and at best marginal effectiveness and high-pressure oxygenation with mechanical ventilators, which killed many thousands on its own.
At that point, still early on in the outbreak, a number of eminent clinicians spoke out against this do-nothing strategy as a deliberate campaign to instill fear and panic and enforce the belief that the vaccines being developed were the only safe and effective weapon against the virus.
Dr. Pierre Kory, a well-known pulmonologist, testified before Congress as president and chief medical officer of the ad hoc FLCCC or Front Line COVID-19 Critical-Care Alliance, to the effect that treatment and prophylaxis with Ivermectin alone would reduce hospitalizations by 90%, deaths by 75% and save literally hundreds of thousands of lives.
The book then uncovers still unpublished but partially leaked clinical trial data showing that the new COVID vaccines failed to keep their original promise of preventing infection and transmission of the virus, as all vaccines are expected to do, which the CDC was eventually forced to admit.
They accordingly changed their stated purpose to simply lowering the risk of hospitalization and death for those infected, which their carefully stage-managed statistics do appear to support.
In like manner, the CDC, Fauci and the National Institute for Allergies and Infectious Diseases, or NIAID, the agency he heads, also like to point out that the new mRNA technology can generate booster vaccines exquisitely tailored to each new variant, a miraculous innovation, to be sure — but all we know for sure about it is that, since the lockdowns and vaccines do nothing to stop and indeed almost certainly accelerate the emergence of new variants, each new booster will guarantee a long train of future profits far in excess of what a genuinely successful vaccine would have achieved by ending the pandemic as originally advertised.
Appointing loyalists with financial ties to the industry to CDC and FDA panels to insure prompt approval of the new vaccines even without long-term safety data, Fauci then made such data unattainable by vaccinating all the controls and terminating the trials well ahead of schedule.
With help from Adam Schiff and other Democrats in Congress, he also directed Facebook and the mainstream media to suppress all “disinformation” regarding the COVID or the vaccines, which meant anything doubting or questioning the official narrative, including any reporting of post-vaccine injuries and deaths, and hired supposedly independent “fact-checkers” who were actually paid by the industry to debunk the isolated cases that slipped through the censorship.
As a final touch, he prevailed on the CDC not to authorize or perform autopsies on vaccine-related deaths reported to the Vaccine Adverse Events Reporting System (VAERS), and refused to acknowledge the 16,000 already registered by the time RFK Jr.’s book came out, as well as counting such deaths as “unvaccinated” unless they occurred at least 14 days after the second dose, as happened very rarely, and would have likely escaped notice in any case.
These various subterfuges have enabled Fauci, the CDC, President Biden, and the mainstream media to convince a public already predisposed to believe the official statistics that the disaster is a “pandemic of the unvaccinated,” with 90-95% of the COVID-related hospitalizations and deaths neatly assigned to that category.
To that I would add the further irony that Trump’s dithering and denialism in the early months of the pandemic helped to make Fauci and his lockdown seem prudent and even wise to most people, thus helping to fulfill the very agenda that Trump made a show of despising.
The chapter concludes with statistical evidence from many countries that dramatic spikes in COVID infections, hospitalizations and deaths have consistently followed within a few weeks or months after implementing campaigns of mass vaccination.
It also discusses one particular risk posed by the Moderna and Pfizer vaccines utilizing the new mRNA technology, namely, “pathogenic priming,” or antibody-dependent enhancement (ADE), the often lethal effect of excessively high antibody levels upon subsequent exposure to the virus, which worried even Dr. Peter Hotez, an industry darling who rarely meets a vaccine he doesn’t like, and has indeed been reported in autopsies of post-vaccine deaths performed outside the U.S.
Yet the fact that such adverse reactions and deaths often occur many weeks or months later virtually guarantees that they too will be overlooked as vaccine-related and written off as coincidence or genetic predisposition.
Fauci and Big Pharma
Although my own reappraisal of vaccines had already made me suspect a lot of Fauci’s multiple deceptions that the book’s opening chapter laid bare, I had no idea about the nature or extent of his control over the Federal bureaucracy that enabled him to pull it off, or the depth of his commitment to the drug industry’s priorities, or the vast infrastructure, global ambition and fiendish agenda of the medical-industrial empire that he built over four decades, the last two of them in partnership with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.
For that reason, the later chapters are especially valuable in documenting that the COVID disaster is no isolated incident, but in fact the consummate achievement of Fauci’s 40 years of dictatorial rule over our Federal health expenditures in the service of Big Pharma, as well as thoroughly in sync with Bill Gates’ coercive agendas for the whole planet, encompassing covert depopulation, GMO agriculture, vaccinating everybody against everything, and hi-tech surveillance of our personal data.
Fauci and AIDS
Fauci’s first big breakthrough was the AIDS crisis, for which he introduced a series of interrelated deceptions that have since become standard operating procedure throughout his career, namely:
- Exaggerating the infectivity and virulence of whatever disease he was fighting into an acute emergency requiring the imposition of dictatorial rule and strict measures of population control, notably vaccine mandates.
- Changing the rules and conditions of the vaccines’ clinical trials to fabricate a mirage of scientific justification for them, including manipulating and even falsifying the actual data as required.
- Suppressing dissenting views by controlling all public messaging from the media and the scientific community.
- Pressuring the CDC and FDA to discourage or prevent physicians from using natural supplements and inexpensive generic drugs both to prevent and treat the condition.
The book details Fauci’s remarkable skills as autocrat and entrepreneur, with a nimble eye for the opportunity of each new situation and the ruthlessness to reframe it to his advantage, which enabled him to gain control of the NIAID, build it into an empire and amass enormous wealth and power for both the agency and himself by forging an endlessly lucrative partnership with the drug industry.
Promoting public health, the job that Congress was ostensibly paying him for, would have involved projects like investigating, explaining and at least mitigating the ever-increasing prevalence of chronic, autoimmune diseases that have dominated clinical medicine throughout his tenure.
But the research projects that he actually initiated and supervised were simply about collaborating with Big Pharma to design new, expensive, potent and above all patentable drugs and vaccines.
He realized early on that profitable pharmaceuticals would win a continuous and ever-increasing harvest of appropriations from Congress, as well as loyalty and gratitude in the form of monetary awards and other perks from the drug industry.
His first step was thus to recruit senior research scientists from the industry as principal investigators (PI) to conduct the studies he wanted, paying them handsomely on top of their corporate earnings and adopting their pro-industry interpretations as his own.
Creating these networks and building an empire on the basis of them was perhaps his greatest achievement, and the author’s elucidation of that infrastructure and everything it made possible is one of the outstanding accomplishments of his book.
Mostly professors and department heads at prestigious universities, these PI’s were much sought after as speakers at conferences, and thus widely recognized as “experts,” ideal spokespersons for their shared agenda of incorporating the industry’s priorities into government health policy, and discrediting and punishing those who opposed or dissented from them.
Appointing them to policy-making committees of the CDC, FDA and other government agencies then gave him the power to approve prescription drugs and vaccines for general use.
He also cultivated and promoted a number of young Ph.D.’s just starting out who were hungry for research projects to make their name and fortune. With lavish grants from his fast-growing budget, he secured their personal loyalty as long as they produced and stood behind the results he wanted, and seldom had to terminate them for stepping out of line, although that implicit threat was always there.
As co-owner of the patented and approved drugs that they studied, the agency then also received handsome royalties from future sales, and could well afford to pay a tiny portion of them to the PI’s in charge, as well as to Fauci himself.
As if hidden in plain sight, these glaring conflicts of interest have transformed the NIAID into what amounts to a major drug company in its own right, profiting lavishly from the 200+ patents that it owns, and more than happy to share its wealth with its grantees.
Fauci didn’t invent these networks — he merely expanded and exploited them by making common cause with the industry, and espousing its interests as his own.
In a filmed interview, Dr. Peter Rost, a former vice-president of Pfizer, all but boasted of the aggressive marketing strategies that he himself devised and oversaw to promote his company’s products, which were in flagrant violation of the ethical guidelines that the company still subscribes to, yet remain standard practice throughout the industry:
“Everybody is out there begging for money. Nobody has any money. The only ones who do are the big international corporations, and they have lots of money. They give grants for research, pay doctors and researchers thousands of dollars to travel around, speak at conferences and establish educational programs, all in order to make profits for their products.
“The safety trials are supposedly third-party and independent, but the money won’t keep coming unless they support your drug, unless they say what you want them to say. Everybody knows that this is how things work. Only the public doesn’t know it.”
According to Marcia Angell, M.D., a distinguished Harvard professor whose exposés of wrongdoing at every level of the drug industry got her fired as editor of the New England Journal of Medicine, the collateral damage of this interference is that a large proportion of biomedical research is no longer trustworthy, because the academic institutions who conduct it and ultimately the medical profession that relies on it have become little more than dependencies of the drug industry that pays their bills:
“My 2000 Editorial, ‘Is Academic Medicine for Sale?’ was prompted by a clinical trial of the antidepressant Serzone. The lead author was paid more than half a million dollars in consulting fees in just one year. But I wouldn’t have bothered to write [it] if not for the fact that the situation, while extreme, was hardly unique.
“Among the many letters I received in response, two were especially pointed. One asked, ‘Is academic medicine for sale? These days, everything is for sale.’ A second went further: ‘Is academic medicine for sale? No. The current owner is very happy with it.’ The writer didn’t feel he had to say who the current owner was.”
Against that background, the book explores the history of AIDS, which was first observed as a highly lethal disease of gay men in major American cities, characterized most obviously by Kaposi’s sarcoma, a rare form of lymphatic cancer in the skin.
In 1981, the French virologist Luc Montagnier discovered a new retrovirus, later named HIV, in the lymph nodes of several AIDS patients, whereupon Robert Gallo, a senior scientist at the National Cancer Institute, or NCI, another NIH affiliate, talked him into providing samples of the virus, and grandly announced it to be the cause of the affliction without bothering to produce any detailed evidence to back up his claim.
Already a rising star in the NIAID, Fauci saw in Gallo’s off-the-wall proclamation an ideal opportunity to win control of AIDS research funding for his own agency, since Gallo had authoritatively identified the disease as an infection, with cancer just one form of it.
For decades, he devoted himself and his entire operation to helping Big Pharma develop potent drugs against the disease. When the National Cancer Institute found that the old leukemia drug azidothymidine, or AZT, destroyed the virus in vitro, Burroughs Wellcome, its original developer, decided to recycle it as a cure for AIDS, even though the FDA had rejected it in the ’60s as both highly toxic and ineffective against cancer.
At the same time, the legions of gay men fearing certain death if they caught the disease emboldened the company to charge $10,000 a year for it, although it cost them only pennies per dose to produce.
Still young and inexperienced, Fauci was eager to get in on the action, but needed Burroughs Wellcome’s PI’s to help him navigate the regulatory process, while AZT’s extreme toxicity discouraged people from volunteering for his trials, and AIDS activists were searching for cheaper, off-label drugs to help their sick friends and colleagues.
Since the industry had no interest in testing or approving such drugs, especially if they worked, Fauci had no trouble convincing the FDA to discourage their use, just as he did with hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin in 2020, and likewise persuaded FDA and NIH to abort long-term studies of AZT and fast-track its official approval, just as he did with remdesivir and the Moderna and Pfizer vaccines 30 years later.
By 1987, with over 1,000,000 Americans testing positive for the virus, and hundreds of millions already spent on investigating possible medicines for it, the highly toxic AZT was still the only weapon that the government’s huge medical research budget had come up with.
So Fauci persisted in spreading fear and panic far and wide with an article in the Journal of the American Medical Association claiming that AIDS was transmissible by routine close contact with roommates or family members, although no one but gay males had ever been found to be sick with it.
Nor did he walk back his earlier insistence that AZT saved lives, even when the New England Journal of Medicine showed that the trials he cited to back up his claim actually proved that it was ineffective and highly toxic.
But his crowning deception lay in the fact that neither he nor anyone else has ever managed or even tried to prove that the HIV virus was in fact the cause of AIDS, while a number of pre-eminent virologists have persistently maintained that it wasn’t, and that AZT offered absolutely no benefit in treating it.
Luc Montagnier, the Nobel Prize winner who discovered the virus, dismissed it as a harmless fellow-traveler, present in some but by no means all cases of AIDS, and incapable of producing the sickness on its own.
Fauci’s main adversary was Dr. Peter Duesberg, another world-renowned virologist with particular expertise in the retrovirus group to which HIV belonged, who produced evidence that AIDS wasn’t sexually transmissible, and hypothesized that the virus-infected only patients already immunocompromised by exposure to environmental toxins, such as amyl nitrite “poppers,” which were popular among gay men at that time, and other hard drugs, especially when given IV, including AZT itself.
In short, he kept insisting that AIDS had basically nothing to do with HIV, and wasn’t an infection at all.
The two sides became irreconcilable when Fauci recommended that AZT be given prophylactically to everyone testing positive for HIV, even though most of them weren’t sick, and he became even more insistent when millions of people in several African countries were found to be carrying the virus and accordingly alleged to be at high risk of developing the disease, even though what was being called AIDS over there was entirely different in its presentation and affected heterosexuals predominantly.
RFK Jr. wisely avoids taking a position on the scientific aspects of the controversy, other than pointing out that a large proportion of AIDS patients on both continents have never tested positive for HIV.
His main point is simply that Fauci appropriated Gallo’s unsubstantiated claim as gospel truth, continued to recommend the highly toxic AZT as the standard of treatment based on equally poor evidence and used his network of loyal PI’s to discredit Duesberg and ultimately ruin his distinguished scientific career.
The subtext of his vengeance was the reality that Fauci’s massive AZT campaign on both continents had coincided with and quite possibly caused the deaths and serious injuries of thousands upon thousands of people who weren’t sick before receiving it and might never have been if they’d simply been left alone.
Fauci, Gates and the white man’s burden
Chapter 7 provides a wealth of evidence that Fauci also funded and oversaw cruel drug and vaccine experiments on American children in various public institutions without parental consent.
As it happened, his many years of failed attempts to develop a vaccine against HIV/AIDS were carried out mainly in Africa, an unregulated, extravagantly profitable and blatantly racist colony of Big Pharma research for many decades, involving AZT and several other drugs and vaccines as well.
His ongoing but so far fruitless quest for an HIV/AIDS vaccine may also have been what prompted Bill Gates to meet him in 2000, and to propose a working partnership that has proved enormously helpful and profitable to both men ever since.
Again focused largely on Africa, with racist overtones reminiscent of Kipling’s “white man’s burden” of civilizing the primitive peoples of the earth, both men claimed charitable motives for testing new, experimental vaccines on typically unconsenting subjects, as well as dumping old vaccines on them that had been discontinued in the developed world because of their toxicity.
A notable example was the DTP vaccine, directed against diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis or whooping cough, which contained Thimerosal or Merthiolate, a neurotoxic organomercury compound, and was discontinued in the West after numerous lawsuits in the 1980s won large damage awards on behalf of brain-damaged children, and a safer, acellular version finally became available in 1991.
So Fauci and Gates simply recycled the rejected DTP as the flagship of their public health mission in Africa, and continued having it produced at minimal cost.
Administered by shadowy public-private partnerships controlled by Gates, such as CEPI, (Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness) and GAVI, (Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations) and with the official blessing of World Health Organization (WHO), which Gates also dominates, this program still runs on ostensibly charitable and therefore tax-deductible donations from the Gates Foundation and other wealthy investors, while the partnerships in charge of administering it include drug and vaccine companies that Gates owns or is heavily invested in.
This “philanthrocapitalism,” as Gates is fond of calling it, not only adds massively to his already obscene personal wealth, but has recently been declared an entirely legal tax dodge for the very fattest cats in our kleptocracy.
Although Fauci and Gates successfully blocked HHS and WHO from investigating DTP’s safety and effectiveness, in 2017 the Danish government commissioned a peer-reviewed study of all-cause mortality in a large group of children from Guinea-Bissau, half of whom were vaccinated with DTP and half were not.
After just one dose at 3 months of age, it found that the vaccinated children died at ten times the rate of the unvaccinated from a wide range of diseases, including pneumonia, anemia, malaria and dysentery and concluded that the vaccine had indeed protected them against diphtheria, tetanus and whooping cough, but destroyed their immune systems in the process, rendering them much more vulnerable to the major diseases of their area.
We also learn that similar programs involving several other vaccines were foisted on a variety of underdeveloped countries with comparably malevolent undertones and significant casualties to match.
Not long after a 2014 TED talk in which Gates mysteriously proposed using vaccines to lower birth rates, a pilot program co-sponsored by WHO and GAVI administered nothing but tetanus vaccine to a group of young Kenyan girls of childbearing age, in 5 doses 6 months apart.
This unheard-of overdosing aroused the suspicion of local doctors that a sterilizing agent had been added, and the trial was canceled when the hormone HCG was found in tested samples of the vaccine. Similar projects in Tanzania, Nicaragua, Mexico and the Philippines gave rise to comparable protests and equally emphatic denials by the sponsoring organizations.
In 2016 Gates launched a massive global campaign for vaccination against polio, using the inexpensive oral live-virus vaccine, OPV, previously discontinued in the West, and beginning in India, where the disease had already virtually disappeared.
Using the same techniques that Fauci had perfected in America, Gates packed the Indian oversight board with handpicked PI’s, who then rubber-stamped a mind-boggling regimen of 50 doses per child from birth to 5 years of age.
The predictable result was a major epidemic of a disease exactly like polio but twice as virulent, with the more innocent-sounding name of Non-Polio Acute Flaccid Paralysis, or NPAFP, which left almost 500,000 kids paralyzed, in direct proportion to the number of vaccine doses administered in each province.
When the Indian government fired Gates’ appointees and drastically scaled back the dosing, the disease receded dramatically.
Similar OPV-linked outbreaks were recorded in Congo, the Philippines and Afghanistan, where polio had entirely disappeared even before the vaccines were given, and again in Syria, China, Egypt, Haiti and Malaysia, where even the WHO reluctantly admitted that 70% of the cases were vaccine-strain rather than wild-type.
Yet Gates’ lavish contributions to the New York Times, NPR and other mainstream news sources have kept his various ostensibly charitable exploits effectively immune from hostile criticism in the media and scientific community alike.
Even earlier, the Gates Foundation partnered with the pharmaceutical giants Merck and GlaxoSmithKline, in both of which Gates is heavily invested, to test their vaccines against human papillomavirus, or HPV, a common precursor of cervical cancer, in remote provinces of India, hoping to back up the claim that they would prevent cervical cancer later in life.
In this case, his target audience was in the U.S, where the threat of death from cervical cancer had already receded dramatically, thanks to early detection with Pap smears.
The trial resulted in 1,200 of the vaccinated Indian girls, or a total of 1 in 20, becoming infertile and developing various autoimmune diseases. When several of them died, the government finally suspended the trials and sent investigators to the sites.
They found a shocking array of unethical practices and coercive tactics, such as pressuring young village girls to participate, bullying illiterate parents, forging consent forms, telling the girls that the shots were for “wellness,” or would protect them against cancer for life and then withholding medical care from those who were injured.
Petitions were filed, and the case against the Gates-controlled agency that conducted the trials is now before the Supreme Court of India — but once again, just as in the polio case, the Gates Foundation isn’t even mentioned in the charges.
While the author goes on to enumerate several other Gates-funded projects of the same ilk, the few I’ve cited are already quite sufficient to identify universal vaccination as one of Gates’ top priorities, and to warrant it’s being featured in the 2020 WHO Prospectus:
“Immunization is a global health success story, saving millions of lives every year. It is the foundation of primary health care, an indisputable human right, and one of the best investments that money can buy. With the support of countries and partners, WHO is leading the creation of a new global strategy for the next decade. It envisions a world in which everyone, everywhere, and at every age fully benefits from vaccination to improve health and well-being.”
The biosecurity agenda
Chapter 11 returns to Fauci and his signature tactic of exaggerating the threat of infectious diseases to spread fear and panic and thereby boost vaccine sales for his drug industry partners.
It begins with the hyping of swine flu in 1976, when the disease never materialized and the highly-touted vaccine for it had to be withdrawn after causing at least 500 cases of Guillain-Barré Syndrome, a paralyzing, life-threatening neuropathy of the brain and spinal cord.
Picking up the same thread, the author recounts similar exaggerations throughout his career, notably the bird flu of 2005, the Hong Kong swine flu of 2009, Zika and dengue fever in 2016 and finally hitting the jackpot with the SARS-CoV-2, his supreme achievement, if not the greatest of all time.
He then leaves us hanging at the very end, with tantalizing circumstantial evidence that the SARS-CoV-2 virus was actually bioengineered in the Wuhan lab, which had indeed been funded by a grant from Fauci and the NIAID to circumvent Obama’s moratorium on “gain-of-function” bioweapons research in the U.S.
Once again, he prudently refrains from affirming the ultimate conclusion of a manufactured virus, however plausible, with nothing but the inductive leap connecting these dots of fact, combined with Fauci’s insistent denials of the same.
In any case, this cloak-and-dagger stuff sets the stage for the rest of the book, which is taken up almost entirely with “biosecurity,” the task of protecting the world from various “superbugs” and the specter of plagues and pandemics caused by them, which is itself likewise inseparable from threats both real and imaginary of biowarfare and bioterrorism, and thus predictably and much too easily became the rationale invoked by both Gates and Fauci to justify their ever more horrifying agendas for drug development, mass vaccination, martial law and dictatorial control.
Rooted in top-secret research begun in World War II and the Cold War, “biosecurity” soon became the watchword for the Gates-Fauci collaboration, and engaged a veritable army of virologists, CIA agents, military intelligence operatives and those same shadowy public-private partnerships, dedicated to hyping various microbiological threats, developing drugs and especially vaccines to fight them and applying the same tactics perfected by Fauci to create a biosecurity infrastructure with truly global reach.
Both men saw and still see vaccines as discrete, effective and endlessly profitable “magic bullets” to remove these putative threats to humanity, in lieu of the boring but far more urgent, real-world imperatives of adequate nutrition, sanitation, clean air, water, soil, food and other glaring necessities of public health that have been systematically neglected in favor of them.
For the past twenty years, as the book makes clear, the Gates-Fauci partnership has developed a network of like-minded people from the ranks of industry, science, government, intelligence, high-tech and the military to stage a series of wargame exercises simulating an actual pandemic or biowarfare emergency.
Without going into detail, I’ll mention a few of the ones the author describes.
In the summer of 2001, just before 9/11, Operation Dark Winter envisioned a smallpox attack on various American cities, causing widespread panic, mass casualties, societal breakdown and mob violence, with vaccines in short supply for stopping it.
The author presents circumstantial evidence suggesting that the exercise may have helped prepare for the actual shock of 9/11, and was also somehow related to the mailing of anthrax spores to several Democratic Congressmen not long afterward. What is known is that the spores originated from the U.S. government’s biowarfare installation at Ft. Detrick, M.D.
What Dark Winter certainly did achieve was envisioning methods of controlling the population, abrogating civil rights and imposing mass obedience to medical and military authorities.
In so doing, it also dovetailed neatly with the mission of right-wing think tanks like the war-mongering Project for the New American Century, headed by Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Elliott Abrams, John Bolton and Paul Wolfowitz, promoting the triumphalist message that the U.S. won the Cold War and was therefore entitled to rule the world and control its oil reserves for the foreseeable future.
It all sounds like Trumpism in utero, if not the very “Deep State” that Trump tried to convince us that he hated.
By 2010, after several more smallpox simulations, President Obama was also on board, with biosecurity and germ warfare henceforth a top priority of U.S. foreign policy, at almost the same moment when the WHO made biosecurity the centerpiece of its own global risk-management agenda.
The Obama years also witnessed Bill Gates, WHO’s chief private sponsor, giving his Decade of Vaccines speech at the UN, and the Rockefeller Foundation issuing its “Lockstep” report, which proclaimed that a global dictatorial authority was the only way to combat pandemics, and coincidentally tapping Bill Gates to lead all pandemic wargames in the future.
When Trump came to power in 2017, Gates sponsored and chaired the code-named SPARS event, a collaboration of loyalists at NIAID, NIH, the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health and its Center for Health Security, involving much the same cast of characters as its predecessors, and including a month-by-month scenario that the COVID-19 almost precisely duplicated in real-time three years later.
Cowritten by the CDC and FDA, its official communiqué focused narrowly on aggressively marketing vaccines and limiting the public’s rights to refuse them.
By 2018, with his tone becoming explicitly warlike, Gates confidently predicted to the Malaria Summit in London that a deadly new disease would surprise the world within a decade, killing tens of millions worldwide, and urged the international community to prepare for it as for a war, with collaboration between health officials and the military, and pledged to donate massively to media giants such as Amazon, Google and Facebook for the censorship that would be needed to defeat it.
Clade X, another simulation exercise that he organized a few months later, imagined a bioterrorist attack involving the release of a fictitious, lab-engineered organism for which no vaccine as yet existed, and invited several members of Congress and dozens of media bigwigs to attend. Its stated purpose was to strike a blow against world overpopulation, ironically yet another of Gates’ long-term global priorities, as we saw.
Once again, there was no mention of distributing cheap, generic, off-label medicines for prophylaxis or treatment or any concern about suspending Constitutional rights or democratic rule in the emergency.
As before, the emphasis was on quarantining the healthy, forced vaccination of everyone, and censoring dissent. In the weeks that followed, the New Yorker and the PBS News Hour both ran adulatory features on Gates and Fauci, including the latter’s plea for a universal flu vaccine, since another pandemic was clearly inevitable.
In September of 2019, just 4 months before the first reported cases of COVID-19, a Gates-funded report on Clade X from Johns Hopkins concluded with a strong recommendation for putting mass vaccination strategies in place to prepare for a global pandemic, and warning of a deliberate bioweapon release from just the sort of lab that Fauci’s NIAID and Gates’ EcoHealth Alliance had recently funded in Wuhan.
A Global Preparedness Monitoring Board was duly created, consisting of Fauci, a Gates Foundation executive, the Wellcome Trust, the head of China’s CDC, Russia’s Minister of Health and both present and past WHO officials.
Likewise organized by Gates, Event 201 was staged in October 2019, close enough to the actual pandemic to have been quite possibly more than a mere simulation, since it explicitly mentioned a new coronavirus, and U.S. intelligence sources later found evidence that the SARS-CoV-2 virus had already begun circulating in Wuhan at least three weeks earlier.
Staged in a New York hotel, it involved the World Bank, the WEF, Johns Hopkins, the CDC, the Chinese government, Johnson & Johnson and big shots in PR, finance and biosecurity and could have helped prepare some participants for the key positions in the pandemic response that they would soon occupy in real-time.
As usual, Gates offered techniques of psychological warfare for controlling official pronouncements, silencing dissent, curtailing free speech and forcing mass vaccination. RFK Jr. again steps back and leaves it to the reader to draw the inference that at least the organizers might already have known what was about to happen.
The book‘s release in the midst of the pandemic that is still very much with us, with new variants emerging, its vaccine mandates and censorship still in force and no end in sight, conveys a sense of the urgency that drove the author to write it. I especially appreciated the thoroughness of his research in providing the evidence to back up even the most controversial of his claims.
Most of all, the book gives me reason to hope that its exposé of such deep and extensive wrongdoing will help us all to forgive ourselves for doing what seemed necessary in the face of the emergency that Fauci, Gates and their associates have done so much to create.
Much as we’re entitled to expect that our leaders and experts are giving us accurate information, this book gives us the background to realize that, regarding many issues of vital importance to everyone, they aren’t, and to recognize the threat to our democratic way of life in all that follows from their deception.
Dr. Richard Moskowitz was born in 1938, and educated at Harvard (B.A.) and New York University (M.D.). He has been practicing family medicine since 1967.
Originally published at Childrens’ Health Defense, The Defender: https://childrenshealthdefense.org/defender/progressive-democrat-review-rfk-jr-the-real-anthony-fauci/?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=ba831bd2-59ec-4f9b-999b-c1bbb0f40d9